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TIME: Almanac 1995
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TIME Almanac 1995.iso
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<text id=90TT2124>
<title>
Aug. 13, 1990: America Abroad
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
Aug. 13, 1990 Iraq On The March
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 24
AMERICA ABROAD
The Deterrence Vacuum
</hdr>
<body>
<p>By Strobe Talbott
</p>
<p> The spectacle of Saddam Hussein conducting politics by other
means concentrates the mind wonderfully. His Arab brethren have
more reason than ever to mistrust his claim to be their
benevolent leader. The radicals of the region have a new
incentive for moderation. Virtually every nation in the world
that relies on oil from the gulf now realizes with fresh
urgency the importance of restoring a balance of power there.
Iran has served as a counterweight to Iraq before, and it could
do so again. If Iran were to bring about the release of the
hostages in Lebanon, it would be rewarded by a stampede of
Western diplomats, bankers, foreign-aid officials and arms
merchants beating a path to Tehran.
</p>
<p> Iraq's invasion of Kuwait could also have a welcome effect
on American policy, shaking the U.S. once and for all out of
its obsession with East-West conflict. In 1955 John Foster
Dulles helped create the Baghdad Pact, with headquarters in
Iraq. Its mission was to keep the Soviets out of the Middle
East. Yet trouble came from within the region and even within
the alliance. In 1956 Britain, a member of the pact, joined
France and Israel in attacking Egypt. In 1958 a nationalist
revolution overthrew the pro-Western monarchy of Iraq. The new
regime immediately pulled out of the pact.
</p>
<p> For the next three decades, the U.S. persisted in regarding
the gulf as a giant gas station in a rough part of town
threatened by pro-Moscow gangs and by the Soviets themselves.
The Nixon Doctrine of 1969 deputized friendly regional
strongmen, notably the Shah of Iran, to protect the
neighborhood against Soviet aggression. Ten years later, the
fall of the Shah and the Kremlin's invasion of Afghanistan
prompted the Carter Doctrine: Soviet encroachments would be
considered an attack on vital American interests.
</p>
<p> Just as Dulles had done in the '50s, the U.S. was again
drawing a line in the dust and warning the bad guys not to
cross it. It is questionable that even in their most
expansionist phase, the Soviets ever seriously considered a
grab for the oil and warm-water ports of the gulf. But if they
did, it is certain they took very seriously indeed the risk
that they would end up in a war with the U.S. In short, they
were deterred.
</p>
<p> The current emergency in the gulf came about because there
is now a vacuum of deterrence. Israel's unacknowledged but
undisputed nuclear arsenal makes it the only Middle Eastern
country within range of Iraq's ballistic missiles that has felt
relatively safe. But Jerusalem is not about to offer--and no
Arab state would ever accept--an Israeli nuclear umbrella
over anyone else's head. As for Iran, even if it emerges from
its medieval isolation, it will take a long time to regain
enough strength to make Saddam think twice before he sends
forth his tanks and bombers again.
</p>
<p> It is up to the U.S. and the Soviet Union to fill the
vacuum, and to do so together. Each superpower has formidable
firepower within striking distance of Iraq and, in Saudi Arabia
and Syria, a well-armed client state on Iraq's border. Even
before the latest crisis, Moscow and Washington had begun to
cooperate on other trouble spots: in Central America, southern
Africa and Southeast Asia. Last week they joined diplomatic
forces again, first at the United Nations, then at the meeting
between Secretary of State James Baker and Foreign Minister
Eduard Shevardnadze. That was the bright spot in last week's
scary news. Therein lies the makings of something that Saddam
never intended and Dulles would never have foreseen: an
anti-Baghdad pact forged in Washington and Moscow--an
unprecedented and highly promising U.S.-Soviet joint venture
in regional security.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>